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Theory of the two demons : ウィキペディア英語版
Theory of the two demons

The theory of the two demons ((スペイン語:Teoría de los dos demonios)) is a rhetorical device used in Argentine political discourse to disqualify arguments that appear to morally equate violent political subversion with illegal repressive activities carried out by the state.
Since the end of National Reorganization Process and the Dirty War, when guerrilla groups (mainly left-wing Peronist ''Montoneros'' and the Trotskyist ''Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo'' or ''ERP'') were persecuted by the armed forces (together with law enforcement agencies and paramilitary groups), this term has been in wide use by people mainly in human rights movements, the political left, and former guerrilla members and supporters. These people argue that a national state, even one controlled by a ''de facto'' government, cannot be compared to a guerrilla or other subversive group, the difference being precisely that the institutions of a national state are supposed to act within the confines of law, even when using violence to fight outlaws.
The term "theory of the two demons" is used pejoratively in left-wing discourse, and is attached to public personalities who plead to support "national reconciliation", sometimes appealing to the Christian idea of "forgive and forget", while (allegedly) having ulterior intentions. Since the image of the military has been tarnished by human rights abuses, economic chaos and the Falklands War defeat, accusers claim that advocates of right-wing repression must resort to reconciliation rhetoric, because a plain admission of support would disqualify them in the eyes of most Argentines.
Since very few people actually endorse this "theory", it can be said that, its usage in the political debate notwithstanding, it is actually a type of straw man argument.
==Background==
Starting with the kidnapping and assassination of former ''de facto'' President Pedro Aramburu by the Montoneros in 1970, armed violence by left-wing groups increased. Some argued for the legitimacy of armed struggle on one or more of the following arguments:
* Argentina was under a military dictatorship.
* The government outlawed political parties and persecuted all forms of dissent, sometimes through violent means.
* Juan Perón, the leader of a vast mass of Argentines, was in exile and forbidden from re-entering the political arena.
The Cuban revolution lent a romantic aura to armed struggle, and many young people found themselves sympathizing with the guerrillas or with left-wing Peronist organizations such as ''Juventud Peronista'' (JP), which had a radicalized wing named ''Tendencia Revolucionaria'' ("Revolutionary Tendency", sometimes shortened to ''La Tendencia'') which was subject to Montoneros' influence.
It can be argued that none of these groups attempted to terrorize the general populace through random violence. Yet, Montoneros killed notable persons who were not guilty of violence against the people (such as Arturo Mor Roig, the architect of the 1973 democratic transition, and labor union leader José Ignacio Rucci). (General consensus is that Montoneros carried out these two assassinations, and their supporters boasted of these, but the organization did not formally recognized their authorship.) Some operations resulted in the deaths of conscript soldiers or lower-rank policemen, who could not be held responsible for the alleged crimes of their superiors. Some attacks resulted in the deaths of the families or friends of military officers.

抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)
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